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01:54 | The hearing was attended by three former Defence Force chiefs: Constand Viljoen, Jannie Geldenhuys and Kat Liebenberg as well as senior National Party members of Parliament. Malan appealed for the acceptance of the bona fides of the members of the former Defence Force. He said he accepted the bona fides of Umkhonto we Sizwe in the furtherance of their aims, irrespective of the merits of their methods. | Full Transcript and References |
02:22 | I do not suggest that people on both sides did not overstep the bounds of the authority. To keep harping on so-called apartheid crimes, conveniently ignoring the fact that atrocities were also committed by the opponents of apartheid is not conducive to reconciliation and amounts to an attempt to manipulate history. In retrospect both the ANC and the South African Defence Force succeeded in its objectives. The ANC achieved its political goal while the South African Defence Force managed to maintain an acceptable security climate in which negotiations could take place. The members of the previous governments, with a few exceptions, such as mister PW Botha avoid taking a clear comprehensive, collective, political and moral responsibility for the actions of the South African Defence Force and its members. I, as former Chief of the South African Army, Chief of the South African Defence Force and Minister of Defence wish to state clearly before this Commission that I take moral ...more | Full Transcript |
05:56 | Then the question of the much talked about third force was raised. // Despite the persistent propaganda to the contrary no third force ever existed. This is the stark reality which this Commission will have to face up to. | Full Transcript and References |
06:11 | Malan quite correctly states that a separate third arm of the security forces, besides the military and the police with its own uniform and command structure was never formed, but that is not what is generally referred to as the third force. | Full Transcript |
06:27 | On third February ’86 Operation Marion which involved the training of a paramilitary unit for the protection of VIP’s in KwaZulu was approved by the State Security Council. Any suggestions therefore that the training of the KwaZulu units had anything to do with the establishment of a third force, which was at that stage still under consideration, constitutes a blatant disregard for the facts. | Full Transcript and References |
06:57 | General Malan is toying with the truth. Operation Marion was at the heart of the third force, because by third force is meant a secret force operating clandestinely and using methods of terrorism. Daluxolo Luthuli was the leader of 200 Inkatha members trained by the SADF in Caprivi in 1986 as part of Operation Marion. And he says this group was responsible for a large number of killings and assassinations and the KwaMakhuta massacre. | Full Transcript and References |
07:31 | A lot of incidents in Natal, a lot of them I was involved, directly or indirectly, but I was involved. Wherever there was a Caprivian really there was no need of people killing each other this way, but because of the infiltration of the Military Intelligence and the security branch within the IFP, that is why the violence in Natal was so high. | Full Transcript |
08:20 | The Army’s Directorate Covert Collection which Malan did not mention also engaged in third force activities, as did the cynically named Civil Cooperation Bureau. // The CCB organisation as a component of special forces was approved in principal by me. Special forces was an integral and supportive part of the South African Defence Force. The role envisaged for CCB was the infiltration and penetration of the enemy, the gathering of information and the disruption of the enemy. The CCB was approved as an organisation consisting of ten divisions, or as expressed in military jargon, ‘regions.’ Eight of these divisions or regions were intended to refer to geographical areas. The area of one of these regions, region six referred to the Republic of South Africa. The fact that the organisation in region six was activated came to my knowledge for the first time in November 1989. The CCB provided the South African Defence Force with good covert capabilities. | Full Transcript and References |
09:33 | As far back as January 1991 the weekly newspaper Vrye Weekblad tied the CCB to the assassination of SWAPO leader Anton Lubowski. On 24 June 1994 Mr. Justice Levy found in the high court in Windhoek that there was prima facie evidence that CCB operative, Donald Acheson had pulled the trigger of the AK47 that killed Lubowski. He found that there was also prima facie evidence that CCB members Staal Burger, Ferdi Barnard, Chappies Maree, Wouter Basson, Johan Niemoller, Calla Botha, Slang van Zyl and CCB commander, Joe Verster were accomplices to the murder. Magnus Malan says he has never heard of this judgement. | Full Transcript |
10:22 | I didn’t even see the judgement or heard about it. // With the greatest of respect General at the time of Lubowski’s death you were the Minister of Defence. In fact you made statements in Parliament in relation to that matter and in fact at a certain stage you suggested that the CCB could not have been responsible for the murder of Lubowski, because - that is how you were reported as stating, because - Lubowski was in fact an agent of Military Intelligence. // I never made the statement you made now, not even in Parliament. | Full Transcript |
10:57 | Let’s refresh the General’s memory of what he said in Parliament by way of Parliament’s own cameras and microphones. // [Allegations were made regarding the SADF’s involvement with Anton Lubowki’s murder. Mister I declare here today that Lubowski was a paid agent of Military Intelligence and I am sure he did good work for the SADF. Head of Intelligence General Witkop Badenhorst would therefore not have authorised any action against Mr. Lubowski.] | Full Transcript |
11:34 | Did you claim in Parliament in relation to this matter and did you reveal to Parliament that mister Anton Lubowski was a paid agent of Military Intelligence and did you then on that basis indicate that for that reason General Witkop Badenhorst would not have authorised any action against him? // Mister Chairman what I said in Parliament you can use openly outside and I stick to it … so, I have no problems with it. You can use it. What I said there, I meant. // Is it true? // What I said in Parliament? // Yes. // It’s true yes. // It is true? // Ja. | Full Transcript |
12:13 | There are simply too many unanswered questions and contradictions for the claim that Lubowski was a spy to be possibly true. Why would the Defence Force which has run many highly successful spies before pay Lubowski directly with this cheque in his name and these ones in the names of his children’s trust fund? Even on the military requisition form the name Anton appears and military experts claim that the requisition forms were completed in a way that would never have been passed by the army. Another question: Lubowski’s accusers say he was in desperate need of money and that’s why he betrayed SWAPO. Why then did he not withdraw a cent paid by the front company for the military? Ironically the man who has many of the answers on the framing of Anton Lubowski was sitting right next to Malan in the hearing, his lawyer Ernst Penzhorn. These cheques were made out to Lubowski by Global Capital Investments, a peculiar company indeed. Penzhorn was Global’s only member. He later ...more | Full Transcript |
14:02 | If this document was given to me I wouldn’t have approved of it and secondly, how authentic is this document, that’s what I love to know. | Full Transcript |
14:15 | Goosen also asked Malan about evidence before the Truth Commission’s Amnesty Committee that the army’s special forces were involved in the murder of doctor Fabian Ribeiro and his wife. // I know nothing about that, sir. // Thank you very much. | Full Transcript |